A Class Approach to the Independence Debate

by Vince Mills

Socialism First, like the Red Paper Collective has adopted a class approach to the independence debate arguing that ultimately what we should be asking is what is the best way to bring about an irreversible shift of wealth and power in favour of working people.

Although many on the Left agree with that there is disagreement with those advocating a Yes position because our position seeks to outline an analysis based on what we argue will be the actual dominant forces that shape a new Scotland that a Yes vote would give, as opposed to the arguments of those who believe that voting yes will by itself release revolutionary new forces. Instead we pose the necessity of a British wide strategy for challenging the power of neo-liberalism.

The independence that is on offer is that driven by the SNP, a party which has the highest share of the popular vote in the European and Scottish Parliament elections and the greatest number of councillors. It is by any measure the dominant political force in Scotland and is not about to disappear any time soon.

There are two major concerns for the Left in the independence debate. The first is the necessity to defend public services and second is the second is the longer term strategy necessary for winning socialist advance.

Let us look more closely at the economic case for independence. In his recent book: Seventeen contradictions and the end of Capitalism David Harvey writes: “The world is broadly polarised between a continuation (as in Europe and the United States) if not a deepening of neo-liberal, supply side monetarist remedies that emphasise austerity as the proper medicine to cure our ills; and the revival of some version, usually watered down, of a Keynesian demand side and debt-financed expansion ( as in China) that ignores Keynes’s emphasis upon the redistribution of income to the lower classes as one of its key components. No matter which policy is being followed, the result is to favour the billionaire’s club that now constitutes an increasingly powerful plutocracy both within countries and (like Rupert Murdoch) upon the world stage.”

Both of these strategies are being offered by key supporters of the independence project. On the one hand there is the commitment to lower corporate taxation and straight forward rejection of any strengthening of workers’ rights as advocated by the SNP leadership and on the other hand there is Commonweal strategy as outlined by the Jimmy Reid foundation that seeks to build on the limited welfarism of the Scottish Parliament posing at its core the need for partnership between Capital and Labour. It hardly needs stating that since neither advocates a fundamental challenge to the basis of class society nor a significant transfer of ownership in terms of wealth, they do not constitute the basis for a secure public services in Scotland.

And yet those arguing for independence, left and right believe that they can end austerity, although they may disagree about how they would do that.

The SNP argues that they can challenge austerity by growing the Scottish economy through a combination of sustaining the existing economic staples like oil and gas and food and drink and by borrowing money.
This growth depends on increasing the working age population through higher levels of immigration leading to better productivity leading to 2.5% growth per annum. The Finance Secretary, John Swinney also recently set out proposals to borrow heavily in the first three financial years after the planned formal split.

This, like all capitalist strategies is excessively rosy about the capacity of the market economy to deliver economic stability. For example, in relation to oil and gas as you know this has been the subject of raging arguments but no-one is saying that oil and gas reserves are not declining; the argument has been about the rate of decline and what we might expect as likely tax take from an industry that is notoriously fickle in rates of return.

In relation to borrowing, Swinney’s plans would see Scotland’s deficit rise to around 7 per cent, based on Holyrood estimates. This ignores three things. Firstly the cost of borrowing given Scotland’s standing as a new country without a track record is likely to be enormously expensive. Secondly , if there were a currency pact with the UK, any plans for such borrowing would have to be agreed with the Rest of the UK, hardly likely in the current climate and finally the EU, which the SNP is determined to join has instructed member states not to allow their deficits to exceed 3 per cent, never mind 7%. It is difficult to see Swinney’s promise as something other than a gamble for the swing in the electorate that they believe is necessary to win the referendum rather than a serious economic strategy.

In this situation without any recourse to the current Barnett formula, which allows the transfer of funds from the UK to its constituent parts, there is a strong likelihood that we would face cuts in public expenditure in Scotland because demographic change and the level of inequality mean need will grow, but the SNP want reduced levels of corporate taxation and the status quo in relation to personal taxation.

But there is another and just as important argument from a left perspective related to the issue of the economy. The level of productivity and the benefits that come from that depends on who owns the economy and what influence we, trade unionists and socialists can bring to bear on that ownership.
Scotland’ economy heavily externalised. The following statistics are based on data published by the Guardian. Nearly all Scotland’s North Sea oil and gas production is licensed to foreign firms. There is only one significant Scottish firm, First Oil. It produces just 6,000 of the total 1m barrels of crude produced every day.

• 90 banks and finance companies operate in Scotland with no Scottish registered office, including global firms such as Barclays, HSBC and Morgan Stanley. Their earnings flow directly to London or overseas.
• More than 70% of Scotland’s total economic output – excluding banking and finance and the public sector – is controlled by non-Scottish-owned firms.
• Of the large firms in Scotland, those employing 250 or more people, 83% are owned by non-Scottish companies.
• Well over 80% of Scotland’s whisky industry – the UK’s largest food and drink export – is owned outside Scotland. Nearly 40% of total output is in the hands of one London-based company, Diageo.
• More than 80% of Scottish farmed salmon, Scotland’s most valuable food export, is foreign-owned. About two-thirds of it is controlled from Norway.

What independence would mean is that Scotland would be subject to power of corporate capital vested largely in the City of London without any say in how that power is exercised because we would not have a vote for the UK politicians who have political jurisdiction over those institutions.

We did not create our history. Our forebears did and because of that the Scottish economy, and the Scottish people and the Scottish Labour movement are deeply integrated into the British economy. We need a strategy built on that reality, on existing working class institutions, primarily the trade unions, but growing beyond that into a British wide People’s Movement like the People’s Assembly, that is ultimately capable of winning the case for social ownership of the banks and financial institutions, the energy companies and the communication and transport infrastructures. That kind of advance will give us the basis for ending inequality and bringing about an irreversible change in the balance of wealth and power in favour of working people.

Canvassing for United with Labour

The canvass on Sunday 1st June will be at 1.30. We will be meeting at Carnbroe Primary School, Kirkton Crescent
Coatbridge, ML5 4SU. We will be using United with Labour materials and any information collected will go to the Local Labour Party.

We can arrange transport from Glasgow City Centre if anyone requires it.

Socialism and Nationalism

By Greg Philo

How would you feel about being rich? As Mr Swinney says, we would be the sixth richest in the world, while the rest of the UK would be a mere 16th if they are lucky. So that is one up on the Southerners, who we have apparently been subsidising. – http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-15423494

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Even if this was true, how are so many people on the left lined up with such an appeal? The plan is that we take the resources , then leave the de-industrialised areas and dispossessed classes of the rest of the UK to cope with the uneven development of capitalism as best they can. How did we get into this state where an appeal which is so obviously divisive in terms of working class unity, is presented as progressive independence? I hear people on the left say we will set an example to the rest of the UK, but what example is it to the people in Durham or South Wales, except to dig for oil?

And there is another current feeding an intensely divisive nationalism which some do not wish to discuss. When I asked my students what the main driving force was, some replied, ‘Oh we just hate the English!’ Others rejected this, and it is true that many people in Scotland want nothing to do with anti-English racism. There are a million Scots in the South, we have relatives and friends there. But it would be quite false to say that anti –English attitudes no longer exist. Teachers tell me it is quite common for racist comments about the English to be made in the classroom, an attitude which presumably comes from parents. A 2006 Government study of school children’s attitudes concluded:

SCHOOLCHILDREN in Scotland show a “worrying hostility” towards English people and should be taught to curb their prejudice during anti-racism education, an Executive report has recommended.

http://m.scotsman.com/news/scotland/top-stories/race-concerns-as-schoolchildren-s-attitudes-towards-english-revealed-1-1139407

The police here recently issued figures showing an increase in physical assaults which were racially based against English people. These figures were partially contested by the Nationalists with Roseanna Cunningham, the Scottish Community Safety Minister was rather confusingly reported as saying:

Although there had been an increase in Anti-English incidents, over the last four years the average level has “remained consistent”

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/10509480/Row-over-anti-English-racism-link-to-independence-referendum.html

Some incidents attracted a lot of attention, especially that of a disabled man being pulled from his car and attacked for having a Union Jack and a young boy being punched in the street for having an England football shirt. The crucial point is that a rise in nationalist fervour is likely to intensify a divisive racism. I was in Scotland all through the ‘Braveheart’ period and for some it was a grim time to be English, as recorded in this report:

Some interviewees suggested that any hardening and proliferation of anti- English attitudes was in large part attributable to the influence and success of films such as Braveheart and, to a much lesser extent, Rob Roy. The Braveheart ‘phenomenon’ was keenly felt by many of those we interviewed:

Braveheart was showing and as soon as the film was finished there were car horns honking and people were out on the streets and I thought ‘wow this is very scary’. And I’ve heard of people who were living in Falkirk who were English … driven out of the cinema and stuff by Scots consumed by this sort of crazy nationalistic spirit (male 38).

I’ve seen people with tears in their eyes after they’ve seen Braveheart, Scottish people with tears in the eyes, and the contempt they’ve had in their voice towards me being English (male 54).

- Ian McIntosh, Duncan Sim and Douglas Robertson (2004) ”It’s as if you’re some alien…’ Exploring Anti-English Attitudes in Scotland’. Sociological Research Online, vol. 9, no. 2,

The potential for division is obvious as such attitudes and the publicity they attract produce a response from the South and people start to speak in terms of ‘them’and ‘us’. In my recent focus groups there, I encountered a sense of puzzled betrayal as people made comments like ‘We know they hate us, but why do they hate us?’ This is important because I think it indicates a change. When I grew up in South London, there were jokes about kilts and accents certainly, and probably racist incidents but there was no folk narrative about Scots terrorists coming down and stealing cattle, no songs about the flower of England duffing up the Scots or any film like Braveheart. I know there can examples of racist attitudes towards Scottish people in England, but generally there was not a cultural attitude in that direction. The stereotypes for the Scots were different – good education system, good legal, good whisky , reminiscent of Tony Hancock’s description in The Blood Donor: “Fine Doctors the Scots and Engineers, it’s the porridge you know”. After all, we had built the empire with them, shoulder to shoulder; they were tough as well, the razor city, hard drinkers and hard fighters; as my mum told me, the enemy were terrified when they heard the bagpipes, a story told to her by my grandfather. The point is, they were on ‘our side’, as Barry Gibson writes, the Scots were ‘family’, – http://www.thefreelibrary.com/An+’unrequited+hate+affair’+with+Scotland.-a0277411221

But as everyone knows, family break ups can be very bitter, especially if one side perceives the other as motivated by racism and greed.

Socialism in One Country

Of course, there are better motives on offer. Some on the left tell us that this is the opportunity to oppose neo-liberalism, to defend social democracy and help the poor and dispossessed of Scotland. Once Scotland is independent and we are free of the Westminster parliament, all this is apparently possible. But neo-liberalism is not the Westminster parliament or the geographical expression which is the UK. It is the philosophy and practical application of Corporate Power in a global market based on profit and exchange. It is well served by a proliferation of small states who compete with each other to offer the most favourable terms for ‘business’. That is the rationale behind the commitment to lower corporation tax in the White Paper and why there is nothing on wealth taxes, nationalisation of land or even a guaranteed living wage. At present the SNP will not even agree to put up the top rate of tax to 50p. And it does not help for the Radical Independence left to keep saying that they are not the SNP and it will all be magically different in the future. We have the politicians that people vote for, in Scotland just as in Westminster. The Holyrood parliament has always had the ability to put up income tax and could have done so to help the excluded people of the de-industrialised West. But the politicians know that there is no appetite amongst the rich , the middle classes or those in jobs for higher tax. – http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-26630498

This is shown in other policies. The freezing of council tax, for example, is popular but is actually a subsidy for the middle classes and better off, while the decline in public services which results, has serious effects on those who depend on them with no alternative.

So the appetite for social democracy and the political will for radical social change is in many ways limited, here as elsewhere. This brings another question to the fore, which is: how different are the people in Scotland from those below Carlisle? There are some on the left who believe in a sort of Scottish Exceptionalism. Certainly, there are many excellent things here, the tradition of the red Clyde, the anti-racist groups, the strong activism, Gramnet, the help groups for refugees, the belief in a public sector and a cultural strand that favours collective action and community. But much of this would apply to other areas which have had industry, strong unions and community action – the North East, for example, Teeside, Humberside, Durham, Yorkshire across to Liverpool and South Wales and more. London does represent an enormous accumulation of wealth but is also a centre of radical activity and politics. Wealth there is very unevenly divided, over half of its population rent their homes, so a rise in property values profits some and leads to the eviction of others.

The picture in Scotland is more mixed than the election results and our one Tory MP might suggest. There are very strong currents of right wing opinion here. In the last election, 412,855 voted Conservative, 465,471 voted Lib Dem, 491,386 voted SNP. So around 1.4 million voted for these while just over 1 million voted Labour. The dominance of Labour MPs ( with 41 of 59) has a lot to do with the electoral boundaries and system, rather than just political preference. Social attitudes here are very conservative on many issues.

On Asylum, Refugees and migration, 58% want less immigrants (amongst whom some include ‘the English’). The Oxford Migration Observatory also examined the preferred policies for Scotland on refugees if we became independent. Just 16% wanted more welcoming policies:

The most frequent choice was that policy should be less welcoming to refugees and asylum seekers (43%) than in the UK, while 29% preferred to stay the same as the UK and 16% would choose a more welcoming set of policies.

http://www.migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/reports/4-immigration-and-independence

There is also terrible racism directed at Black and Asian people. An attack on a Black busker in Sauchiehall st., was recently filmed and shown on tv. The man had been in Glasgow for 15 years and made this comment:

It was the second or third day (after arriving). Someone said to me, ya fucking black bastard. I was a kid of 20 or so. Since then it has been like that every day.

– Sunday Mail 16.02.14

Every day? In the Glasgow equivalent of Oxford St.

For our recent book on refugees, we interviewed a community worker, in a focus group, who told us:

When asylum seekers came to Glasgow I felt I had got a promotion, I felt I was promoted even though I was born in Glasgow, from being racially beaten up, abused, marginalised for most of my life. When asylum seekers first came to Glasgow, I was now seen as Glaswegian. (There was a boy who said) ‘You’re alright now but I don’t like these new folk’. I had suddenly been promoted from the bottom rung to the next rung. He said ‘now’ because there was a new group of people who could be marginalised and to bully.

– Bad News for Refugees:139

Then of course there is the vicious sectarianism, the religious divisions, the Orange marches, plus the other opiates of the masses and our less than brilliant record on the beating of children and domestic violence. Opinions and attitudes are mixed and divided, sometimes in the same people – in my focus groups, an anti-Tory, Labour voting nurse will also tell me about the ‘scum’ on the council estates and the guy up the road who is fiddling a disability vehicle. There are many contradictions – strange to sit in a radical union meeting and hear an MSP, a trade union equalities officer on the need to fight for rights, who has just voted against Gay Marriage. Meanwhile the leader of the Tories who is gay gives an impassioned brilliant speech in favour. The truth is we are like a lot of other places, and we would do well to remember that when people speak of Scotland or the Scots as having a “will to socialism” or write that “social democracy is hard- wired into Scotland’s soul”.

We are not so special that we can effortlessly deliver socialism to the world. I have no interest in any nationalism and certainly not in the preservation of the UK Ltd. But the key questions are, how do we best organise the struggle for social change and what is the impact of creating new boundaries and divisions? How for example can we combat the uneven development of capitalism in this island and its disastrous impacts on the people of the north and west if we do not have representation in the Westminster parliament? Certainly we should have grass roots action and popular movements, but the capacity to make laws and control the movement of resources is actually important. And there is no point in complaining that the Westminster parliament does not always represent our views. It is the one that brought in the Bedroom Tax and the Poll Tax, but also the same one that abolished slavery, promoted women’s and gay rights, brought in the NHS and nationalised large parts of British industry. Just after that most radical period, in 1955 a majority of the people in Scotland voted Conservative. Sometimes we advance and sometimes not. There are no short cuts, it is a very long political struggle.

If we believe that the UK Ltd is a particularly appalling concentration of corporate interests and financial capital which launches illegal wars, then that is all the more reason to be in there fighting for better policies. Without political representation, the possibilities for opposition are lessened. We can lose struggles as in Afghanistan and Iraq, but then sometimes an intervention is stopped as in Syria. What happens in a separated future, if without our 59 MPs, a war goes ahead – do we just look on from above Carlisle, feeling morally superior?

All this does not suggest to me that independence would open the way to a socialist Scotland, much as I would like one. The radical left, as we understand it, is not represented in the Scottish Parliament, even with proportional representation. But more crucially, the idea of a new socialist politics being born with a yes vote seems to me very unlikely, as a major consequence would be a surge in the worst elements of nationalism, above and below Carlisle and all the divisions which that brings- we would be divided by a new border and also within our own society.

Who is a Real Scot?

A new nation brings with it new questions of who belongs in it. Nationalism can very quickly divide people into who are Real Scots and those who are not. So Facebook entries on Independence now include ominous words like ‘the Will of the Scots’, ‘Scottish blood’, ‘the Scottish people’, and not wanting to be ruled by ‘England’. And this is from people who regard themselves as being on the left. Since I have been identified as a critic I am now being asked ‘Do I deny the Scots are a people?’, and, ‘ How can I disrespect my ‘host nation’ in this way?’ After many years here, for some I am still the guest while people born after I came are ‘the hosts’. Until quite recently, there were large numbers of bumpers stickers on cars saying ‘I am a real Scot, I am from Kilmarnock’, (or Falkirk, or Irvine etc). Of course there were none saying, ‘I am a Real Scot, I am from Islamabad’ , or South London.

A rise in nationalism begins to legitimise questions which would previously have been unacceptable. The view that English people should not be in senior positions or there are “too many” of them can surface quite openly. I have twice been public meetings where it has been said that there will be more room for Scottish academics after Independence, with less English ones. It’s extraordinary that someone like Alasdair Gray could publish a piece on the English as being ‘Settlers and Colonists’ and could write this:

By the 1970s the long list of Scots doing well in the south was over balanced by English with the highest positions in Scottish electricity, water supply, property development, universities, local civil services and art galleries.

-‘Settlers and Colonists’, in Unstated 2012:103

He must include me, as that is when I came up. But can we seriously imagine a major left wing literary figure in the South writing about Scottish people coming to England and not properly respecting or understanding English culture?

Am I a ‘settler’ or a ‘colonist’?

The SNP has ridden the tide of nationalism very successfully. It did not take off with opposition to neo-liberalism, but with the discovery of oil, whose nationality was also claimed to be Scottish. In the October 1974 election, you could not move here for yellow posters with the slogan ‘It’s Scotland’s Oil’. On this basis, they took 30% of the vote. But a nationalism which draws upon who is a Real Scot and how many English are here, is intensely divisive.

Some on the left are now providing cover for these grim tendencies by arguing that this is all about independence rather than nationalism; in future, all will be welcome and there will be no difference between people. But if this the case, then why draw a line between Berwick and Carlisle, or argue that the Scots are in some way ‘Exceptional’?

The divisions extend through the left, with people on different sides now denouncing each other as ‘scum’ and ‘quislings’. See for example the Trades Council Debate in Clydebank, (3/10/13) which was filmed so you can watch if you can bear it. A particularly grim moment is the response to an English woman: ‘Away back home ya bitch!’ – http://clydebanktuc.org/

This will take some time to heal whatever the outcome of the vote, but I think also that a yes vote would also have implications for the Scottish economy which would intensify these problems and jeopardise the welfare of very many people.

Class Unity and Uneven Development in Foreign Countries

A key issue in understanding future developments is that when a new nation is established, it becomes an economic competitor. There can be collaboration, but the essential principle is of each country pursuing its own interests. Once no taxes are paid to the ‘old’ country and there is no political representation there, then no favours are owed, there are no electoral constituencies to be satisfied. So without any of the factors discussed above, it would be quite normal for resources and direct investment to be moved from an independent Scotland to the south. Politicians on both sides are reluctant to speak much about this. Any mentions from the union side are denounced as a ‘threat’ and ‘bullying’, while the nationalists like to say that everything will go on much as now with no great shock to the economy. But it is quite obvious that independent states do not typically keep their government departments in another country (as for example DFID, now in East Kilbride). The same would apply to income tax collection, (Centre One , also in East Kilbride), and probably also to defence contracts. Why would heavy subsidies in green energy be put into another country when these would be gratefully received by constituencies stretching from Cornwall to Carlisle? We currently receive 28% of UK subsidies. – http://www.theguardian.com/politics/scottish-independence-blog/2014/apr/08/scotland-scottish-green-energy-taxes

The finance sector here is also largely owned and/or operates substantially in the south (as in ‘Scottish’ Widows, owned by Lloyds). Much of this would be very likely to move, especially given the rather flaky relationship now on offer with the pound sterling. There are many other examples which are not even publicly discussed – like the Research Council grant funding which comes to our major universities and is centrally allocated. Needless to say this isn’t given to foreign countries.

I am not mainly concerned with economic arguments as such but rather how such changes will impact on the potential for class unity and collective action. Nationalism divides and different perceptions form on each side. There are some here who argue that ‘Scottish oil’ has subsidised the south. But in the South people would note that Scotland’s share of revenues from this are now less than half of 1% of UK GDP. (http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/mar/12/scotland-deficit-12bn-alex-salmond-damages-case-independence-economy-oil-revenues-fall). There are many there who believe that it is Scotland which is subsidised. They would point to our free university tuition, care for the elderly, no prescription charges and around 11% more spending per person than the English average (though still less than for London).

It is easy to see how a split would become bitter if perceived to be motivated by greed and racism. As the political and economic negotiations became tougher, there would be a lot of blaming here of ‘the English’. There is scapegoating – it is what happens when countries divide. The rightwing press in the South would leap on stories of attacks of English people. They are already running pieces like this and some commentators are now lining up to argue how the South would be better off without ‘the Scots’. I need hardly say that it is not a good idea for a small group of five million people to have an economic fight with sixty million who live next door.

Now of course, nationalists here would reject this description but it is very dangerous for the welfare of people above Carlisle if separation is perceived in the South as based on a grab for economic resources by the would-be ‘sixth richest nation’. The reaction in the south is likely to be ‘hell mend you’ and this would legitimise pulling the plug on the Scottish economy while the rest of the UK would simply hoover up the direct investment and subsidised regional development.

One result of such a shock to the Scottish economy would be to put pressure on government finances and to intensify the potential gap here between government income and public expenditure. Because Holyrood politicians have no appetite for increasing tax, then there would be cuts in spending, including or perhaps especially welfare. So it is a cruel trick on the poor to say they will be rich in the new Scotland. As it is, with the existing arrangements, the poorest groups have some protection. Spending on welfare and health has been relatively well sustained and we were able to protect people from the worst effects of policies such as the bedroom tax. But a new state would face a much grimmer prospect , buffeted by the winds of globalisation, in the queue for corporate investment with no one owing it any favours. In this, the shots would be called by the 500 people who own half of Scotland plus the middle classes and those with jobs, and it is obvious who would lose out.

If this sounds alarming, then bear in mind that it is on the mild end of the scale of what happens when countries divide. I am not suggesting that we will be like Ukraine but in the move from subsidy mode to ‘who owns what’, relationships can very quickly become icy. Above Carlisle we have a lot to lose from this. An increase in anti-English sentiment would prompt many people to leave. Scotland’s tourist industry gets 60% of its income from England. And while this bitterness and division is being generated, what happens to the collective struggle against neo-liberalism and crucially against the uneven development of capitalism in the island as a whole?

The Break-up of Britain

A key issue which faces us in this is not the secession of Scotland, but of London and the south-east. That golden triangle is now drawing in talent, investment and resources, at an extraordinary rate. As Vince Cable said, it is acting as ‘a giant suction machine’ draining the life out of the rest of the country. – http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-25444981

It also attracts massive international investment. Recently, the Chinese company APB Holdings revealed that it would be building a second Canary Wharf with the intention of focusing the headquarters of key Asian corporations in London. Boris Johnson announced that this would be the single biggest Asian development in Europe and construction would start this year. What is remarkable about this investment is that it was barely covered in the media – there is just so much of it. London and the Thames valley have become the focus of hundreds of thousands of key workers, not just in finance, but in design, hi-tech and information technology companies including Microsoft, Hewlett-Packard Oracle and Dell, plus communications, advertising, media, pharmaceuticals and many other industries. The problem is that all of this is going on just a bus ride from Buchanan Street and each year I see many of my students make that journey. One now owns a large TV company making programmes like The Voice and Who Do You Think You Are? He has told me that he could name off the top of his head at least ten other top people in his industry from Scotland, now all in the South.

Such a relentless process of uneven development can only be altered by very strong regional planning. It requires physically moving jobs and investment , including transferring government departments or media conglomerates such as the BBC, plus the development of new infrastructure, broadband, cross rail links to join northern cities laterally and the focussing of research, training and development in targeted areas. The problem with independence is that it removes any representation which we have in that planning. The movement of people south would continue, but there would be little we could do about it, short of re-building Hadrian’s wall. So we need to be part of a new alliance by which the north and west effectively force new policies on the south east.

There are many other areas for collective action. We found very strong public support when we suggested a substantial wealth tax, by which the richest 10% would contribute one fifth of their wealth to pay off the national debt. The opinion poll which we commissioned showed 74% of the UK population in favour (http://www.glasgowmediagroup.org/the-wealth-tax). There is also a strong public desire to stop tax avoidance, for public ownership of the railways, and key industries such as electricity and gas. The struggle for decent wages, the defence of the NHS, home building programmes, jobs for young people, apprenticeships and training also have extensive popular support. This politics has to be forged and fought for, through peoples parliaments, strong union links, effective political representation and demands for space in the media to explain the alternatives to austerity politics. I think the current debate on independence has got in the way of all this. It offers the division between those above and below Carlisle, the internal fracturing of our society and a fall in the living standards of the poorest. For us, socialism should come first and last and should not be used as a cover for a nationalism which would reduce our ability to take part in the wider changes that are so desperately needed.

An Appeal to Yes Voters

By Ross Walker, Socialist Appeal Supporter, Edinburgh East CLP and UCU QMU branch

Dear “Yes” voters,

In this year’s referendum, many of you will be voting for Scotland to be an independent nation. We understand that this isn’t out of chest-beating nationalism or anti-English chauvinism, or any of the other reasons the (often very cynical) “No” campaign throw around.

We understand that many people are attracted to separation, not from selfish or chauvinistic reasons, but often for seemingly progressive reasons: to undermine the British establishment; to live in a state that might be easier for working class people to influence; or to carry out progressive policies and set an example to the rest of the world. These are some of the reasons often heard by the more progressive side of the “Yes” camp and all these are valid and good reasons. Make no mistake, if Scotland were to become independent, we would support and fight for progressive policies in it.

For unity of the labour movement

We have weighed all these aspects and looked at what independence would do to the labour movement. The British labour movement is by some indicators one of the strongest and oldest labour movement in the world. Every democratic and economic right we have is based on past victories of the working classes, organised in trade unions, whose political representatives were – and still are – to be found in the Labour Party.

We do not kid ourselves that these organisations are perfect or that they do what they were set up to do. We appreciate that the leaders of these organisations, who so many working class people look to, more often than not fail to fulfil their duties. This has a very disarming effect on the labour movement.

Nevertheless we defend resolutely every single gain that has come from collective struggle through these organisations and fight against any attempt to weaken these organisations from outside and inside the movement. History has shown us that the weakening of workers’ organisations, such as trade unions, only benefits capitalism at the expense of the working class.

We consistently call for trade union leaders not to collaborate with the ruling class, but to have faith in its own class and to fight for socialist policies. We also call on these leaders to fight for socialist policies in the Labour Party, so that it speaks on behalf of the working classes within and without the limits of the parliamentary system. Where possible we also work within the Labour Party to put forward the same ideas. But we do all this on the basis of resolutely defending these organisations, their structures and the gains they’ve made in the past – often we are defending them against their own leaderships!

The Scottish National Party, the dominant force of the “Yes” campaign, promise a more business friendly environment with reduced corporation tax. Within the limits of capitalism this is the only way they can put forward a viable case for independence. The SNP, being a party with no links to the working class or trade unions, and funded instead by sections of Scottish business, will always put forward this case. This will mean a direct attack on the living standards working class people have fought for and could lead to the implementation of anti-trade union legislation, not to mention the break up of such organisations along national lines.

Business friendly parties and strong labour movements do not go together. They are as diametrically opposed as labour and capital in general. If we look at the recently privatised economies of eastern Europe with their corruption and ruthless exploitation, as well as the crisis in smaller, weaker European states such as Greece, Portugal, Ireland and Iceland, we can see how this race to the bottom is not compatible with even very basic rights for the working class.

We of course do not say that it will be an end to the labour movement, but no one can deny that significant obstacles will be put in our way through national division. The labour movement and its strength are too important and we cannot vote for something that will undermine the past victories and the potential future strength of the working classes. We also want to see the end of British imperial chauvinism, but feel that the only way to do this is through a united class struggle of the British working class against their own ruling class. There are no shortcuts to this.

No ultimatums; no shortcuts

However we do not give ultimatums. We appreciate that we are a small force and we have very little influence on the outcome of this election. We do not gamble on either result. If the electorate does vote “Yes”, our principles will not change. We will carry on fighting for socialist ideas within the labour movement in an independent Scotland. We defend the right of the Scottish people to determine their own fate. We want unity of the working classes of these isles – but only a voluntary unity – and are against forced unity.

A big concern is the amount of hope people are putting into the outcome of this referendum. Jim Sillars, when recently asked on Question Time about what would happen in a “No” vote, replied by stating that the people who vote “No” will regret it for the rest of their lives. This kind of ultimatism expressed by Sillars is not unique to him. It is in fact expressed throughout the “Yes” camp in both left and right sides. This attitude may be acceptable for a retired successful career politician with nothing to lose but his ego, but is not ok for the Scottish working classes and youth who will have to bear the effects either way. The “No” camp are also very guilty of this; both its left and right are unable to give any answers to what indeed will happen if there is a “Yes” result.

The masses of Scottish voters are in a predicament. No matter what way they vote they will be blamed for anything that goes wrong. Under this capitalist system power does not belong to the electorate but to the owners of big business and their agents in the nation states. However as with all parliamentary referendums the illusion of democracy will be used to carry out very undemocratic actions. The mantra from the parliamentary politician will be: you voted for this so now we need to make this cut/legislation etc. to carry through “your wishes”. This is the price you pay for democracy. You’ve had your say, now sit back and let the “professionals” do their job.

Nevertheless we do defend the right of a nation to self-determination. Even this limited form of determination is not enjoyed by all nations. Its existence was gained not through the will of the ruling classes or imperialist states but through the struggle of oppressed peoples.

The problem is profit

Whether you decide to vote Yes or No we ask you to consider three cases. The first being very much an economic case, that of North Sea oil. We understand that not all nationalists are basing the success of Scotland on this oil, but this example can be applied to almost any industry. The discovery of North Sea oil was both a very dangerous and amazing discovery. There is a huge potential for North Sea oil. Under capable hands it can be used to fund progressive things, and under incapable hands it can be a source of destruction.

Since its discovery, North Sea oil has been very much in incapable, bourgeois profiteering hands. Health and safety, employment, the future and the environment are all secondary factors to that of immediate profit. There have been accidents like Piper Alpha. The reason there hasn’t been more is because elements of public and workers control within the industry. Expectations and demands learned by the working classes previous to the discovery were put on the industry from day one. Health and safety legislation were implemented due to pressure from unions within and without the industry. Workers in the industry have a certain amount of rights and power behind them to at least speak out when they see something inefficient or dangerous, and it is thanks to this that the industry has survived. However it has no progressive future under capitalism.

The only way this industry can go forward is under complete nationalisation and complete workers control. Profit must be taken out of the equation. This same principle can be applied to any industry. In some industries the effects of capitalist exploitation may not be so obviously devastating, but in order for any sector to run efficiently, whether it be oil, mines, mobile phones, mills, distilleries or anything else, it must be run by those who produce it and those consume it. Profit must be completely withdrawn as a force.

Our second case is one of culture. Marxists are often portrayed as being economically obsessed and not concerned about individuality and culture. This is nonsense. Culture is vital to all human beings. Humans cannot live by bread alone. However we do recognise the vital material basis to culture. Take for example the very old Scottish language, Gaelic. A lovely language and once the dominant language of the Scottish highlands and beyond. It is now spoken by only around 1% of Scotland.

Culture under capitalism

The dominant languages of the world – English, French, German, Chinese and Spanish are all of course very nice and interesting languages, but that’s not why they’re the dominant languages. They are spoken worldwide because that’s what the market demands, and if capitalism demands it then the state education system will demand it. The option of learning Gaelic for the majority of Scots who aren’t raised near Gaelic schools is reduced to a hobby and pastime, and that’s the crux of the matter with all culture.
The accessibility of culture is only available to those who have time and resources and in this system it is dominated by the wealthy few. The vast majority of working class people are too busy, too tired and too poor to give culture the input it deserves. With the decline in the economy and the attacks made to the working class, this situation can only get worse.

We do care about Scottish culture. We care about the cultures of all peoples; but under capitalism culture cannot be sustained and progressed for the majority of people. We urge “Yes” voters to think of this. Will independence lead to a situation where people have more time to develop culture? We say that in order for any culture to survive – whether it be Scots Gaelic, Ceilidhs, sports, music, anything – there must be the input and involvement of the masses, and for mass input we need socialism. Socialism, however, cannot be implemented in Scotland alone, and will not be brought closer by voting for independence on a capitalist basis.

For international socialism

My third and final case is a huge issue – that is the issue of nuclear arms. With independence Scotland will be able to remove all British nuclear arms in the country. This, of course, would be great. No nuclear arms throughout the world would be a huge step forward for humanity, and according to some, Scotland could show an example and start off a trend.

Marxists also want rid of nuclear arms. But we must look at why such arms exist. The old excuse of the Cold War era Western statesmen’s excuse is that they are a deterrent and will stop us being attacked, to which we reply, “why do so many people want to attack Britain?” This is because of the British state and its ruling class’ history of colonising, butchering and impoverishing people. Why has this happened and why is it still happening? Because it is profitable. Because rich, powerful people have vested interests in this and until this stops, Britain will always be under threat. If it is attacked it will be the innocent working classes who will suffer.

Marxists are not pacifists. We do not deny the existence of violence and potential violence. We appreciate that oppressed people must defend themselves through whatever means necessary. However, we aim for a world where the economic and material basis for violence no longer exists. The only way we can really carry out nuclear disarmament is to take the control of all arms out of the profiteers and maniacs that have them and to bring them under the full democratic mass control and full accountability of the people.

Simply removing nuclear arms from Scotland – which we would indeed support – in itself will do nothing to end imperialism and war. Actually, rather than a world more divided along national lines, we need to end nation states and national antagonisms through world revolution and international working class solidarity, in order to bring an end to war and the threat of nuclear weapons.

Don’t mourn – organise!

As mentioned we are aware of our small influence. We don’t take this personally and we fully expect this to change. It is consequently our task not to pretend that we can influence the outcome of the election, but to offer a sober analysis to socialists and left-wingers of the realities of the question of Scottish independence. If the referendum does yield a “Yes” victory, do not think this is the final victory because it certainly will not be. Class struggle will continue and will probably become more difficult and more important post election.

If there is a “No” vote, don’t get demoralised. Don’t sulk. Neither will this be the end of class struggle. On the contrary, class struggle in the British Isles will tend to increase in scope and militancy. Either way, the Marxists will be there alongside you in the everyday trade union struggles and the fight for socialism.

Comrades, the only way forward culturally, economically, politically, and even morally, is through international revolution lead by the working classes. This may seem abstract, but the reality for the future of humanity really is socialism or barbarism. What does capitalism offer the youth of the world today?

Every advance along this road – every victory for the working classes – has been and will continue to be a victory, and we will support and fight for each one progressive step, no matter how small. This does not stop us, but indeed helps us, to fight for the final victory: a successful and sustainable international revolution lead by the working classes. We have full faith that our class – with armed with the correct ideas of a socialist programme – can fulfill this task, no matter what the result of the referendum. Do not look to your nation for a way out. Look to your class.

Also available at: http://www.socialist.net/scottish-independence-referendum-a-marxist-appeal-to-yes-voters.htm

Scottish Independence – there are no shortcuts to a British working class response.

By Vince Mills, Campaign for Socialism and Red Paper Collective

In an UK mired in austerity it is hardly any wonder that some sections of the Scottish left, as well as individuals who want a more just society, are attracted by the argument that they would be better placed to achieve socialism, or at least a move in that direction, if Scotland were independent of the UK.

What are the underpinning arguments for that position and what left strategies have emerged on the basis of these assumptions?

The first argument in favour of this position is that there is a significant difference between the Scots and the English in terms of the extent to which they favour progressive politics with the argument being, on balance, the Scots are more favourably disposed than the English.

In fact the evidence argues in quite the opposite direction.

A Nuffield foundation report in 2011 by Curtice & Ormston, concluded that in terms of being ‘more social democratic in outlook than England, the differences are modest at best’. They also note that “Like England, Scotland has become less – not more – social democratic since the start of devolution.”

DifferentUpHereAs Stephen Low points out in the Red Paper Collective website, the data extracted from British Social Attitudes (BSA) Surveys suggests that when it comes to our fifteen million closest neighbours, the 3 Northern regions of England, we are no different at all. Perhaps I should add ‘unsurprisingly’ since they are areas of high unemployment and industrial decline just like Scotland and surely this played a significant part in shaping attitudes to the welfare state and neo-liberalism.

The second argument to emerge from the left, the more revolutionary left, is that if Scotland left the UK it would lead to the break-up of the British State. Alex Salmond by contrast has been at pains to stress continuity. In the Andrew Marr show after the SNP conference last October he said:

“The state we currently live in is not Great Britain, it’s the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. ‘Britain’ won’t disappear as a geographical expression no more than ‘Scandinavia’”.

Former Labour MP and MSP, John McAllion, and now SSP member by contrast sees independence as a way of smashing the British sate where the British left has so signally failed. Writing in Red Pepper in 2012 he states:

ric“The choice is really very simple. Go on as before inside an antiquated and reactionary state that legally shackles trade unions and has no political space for socialism. Or begin to break that state apart in the name of progress and social advance and in doing so release the energy and the potential of a left across Britain that has for far too long been in retreat.”

It is very clear from what John writes that he believes that the power of capital somehow depends on, and is sustained by the constitutional relationship that exists between Scotland and the United Kingdom. Neither John nor other socialists who make this case explain how the power of capital, which would remain vested in the City Of London would be undermined by what Salmond recognises is a mere geographical re-arrangement, not social and political transformation of society.

As the Red Paper 2014 points out The Scottish Business Insider list of the Top 500 companies in Scotland in January 2013 showed a Top 20 dominated by wholly-owned subsidiaries of foreign multinationals and London Stock Exchange quoted corporations.

A secession by Scotland would not change this. Quite the reverse, according to Eric Hobsbawn in Nations and Nationalism, it increases small state dependence on global capitalism.

“They are economically dependent in two ways: generally, on an international economy they cannot normally hope to influence as individuals; and specifically – in inverse proportion to their size – on the greater powers and transnational corporations… The optimal strategy for a neo-colonial transnational economy is precisely one in which the number of officially sovereign states is maximized and their average size and strength…is minimized”

Undeterred The Jimmy Reid Foundation, has come up with a detailed strategy for pushing an independent Scotland towards the Left but hardly one that grips the socialist imagination. It is called the ‘Common Weal’.

On ownership of the economy it says nothing about the top 20 companies and instead emphasises the role of small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) in transforming the Scottish economy. There are upwards of 80,000 such firms with a range of employees between 2 and 250 in Scotland and they are mainly in services. Few export directly. Many are suppliers to a single, larger firms like Ineos Grangemouth or BAE systems and hence vulnerable to changes at that level – hardly the engine of economic transformation.

Furthermore in so far as the Common Weal promotes Public ownership it is not primarily in class terms – giving democratic control of the economy to those who produce the wealth -and there is no serious discussion of how, for example, key sectors of the economy like transport and energy could be brought back into public ownership. Instead the Common Weal focuses on state interventions necessary because of market failure.

20131003020508-cw-alanbissett_1_From a left wing perspective the section on democracy and governance is positively alarming. It adopts an unashamedly partnership model for trade unions. It argues for “strong trade unions working collaboratively with employers not only on employee remuneration issues but also on strategic management issues”. This is the model which some Irish Trade unionists would argue has been devastating in terms of their capacity to resist austerity. It sits very well, by contrast, with the corporatist thinking of the big business backers of the SNP.

The Red Paper Collective is only too conscious that exposing the limitations of arguments for a Yes vote from the Left might be taken as counsel for despair.

On the contrary if the English working class is, as it must be, as likely to challenge the exploitative nature of capitalism as their brothers and sisters in Scotland, then together we can challenge capital at its heart in the City of London. I say this without the slightest doubt that winning the people of Britain to a radical anti neo-liberal project is enormously difficult. But if we want to challenge the power of capital that is what we must do. There are no short cuts.

peoples-assemblyWe need a strategy built on existing working class institutions, primarily the trade unions, but growing beyond that into a British wide People’s Movement that the People’s Assembly aspires to, a movement that advances the case for social ownership of the economy starting with the banks , and financial institutions, the energy companies and the communication and transport infrastructures that will give us the basis for transforming this rotten, unjust society into one which is fit for human beings.

http://www.redpaper.net

Robin McAlpine and Reality

by Graham Day – a Labour Party member in Falkirk

The Jimmy Reid Foundation’s Robin McAlpine appeared on Radio Scotland’s John Beattie show on Tuesday afternoon, to discuss Stirling Management School’s report Constitutional Change and Inequality in Scotland. In fact he mentioned that document only once, instead relying on his own blizzard of statistics. It is unfortunate then that they seemed to be wrong.

Claim: “Britain has the highest gap in earnings between men and women in the EU”

Figures from the European Commission show that, while bad, the UK gender pay gap is better than Estonia, Austria, Germany, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and the solidly “Nordic” country of Finland.

Claim 1

Claim: The UK is the “second lowest paid economy of the advanced economies”

No-one can ignore the dismal extent of low pay in the UK. However, figures from the OECD show that the incidence of low pay in the UK is lower than in the Republic of Korea, the USA, Israel, Ireland and Poland.

2

And the UK minimum wage, inadequate as it is, is one of the highest listed by the OECD.

3

Claim: “In the last thirty years there’s only two [advanced economies] which have seen a reduction in industrial production. France saw a reduction of about 4% and the UK which has seen a reduction of about 35%”.

It should be no surprise at this point to discover that OECD figures show that UK industrial production has in fact risen over the last thirty years. As has that of France.

Oh, and the one mention of the Stirling Management School report that he was on the programme to discuss? That was to tell us that:

“What this report from Stirling University is very important for and is very useful, is explaining to people that you don’t fix inequality by having a bad economy and then transferring some money from those at the top to those at the bottom, that doesn’t fix anything.”