Category: Scandanvia

The “Guarantees” of the Radical Independence Campaign

by Martyn Cook, Labour Party member

The leaflet in this post appeared on Twitter recently, and is being distributed by the Radical Independence Campaign (RIC) this week.  It lists a series of “guarantees” that a Yes vote will bring.  What I have failed to establish so far is where these “guarantees” come from.  RIC make a song and dance of the fact that a Yes vote isn’t necessarily for the SNP or their White Paper, but this leaflet – and the wider conduct of the SNP – clearly undermine this position.                                            The RIC leaflet

In terms of the leaflet, there is clearly a contradiction at the heart of the “guarantees”.  On the one hand, RIC need to be able to establish some ground upon which these policies will be passed in an independent Scotland.  On the other hand, they are desperate to dissociate themselves from the SNP/White Paper.  As such, the RIC leaflet makes a series of claims that are seemingly based on very liberal interpretations of the White Paper or just plucked out of the air altogether.

For example, RIC claim that a Yes vote will “guarantee” an end to benefit sanctions.  In terms of benefit sanctions the White Paper doesn’t claim to end them, it only wants to “launch an urgent review of the conditionality and sanctions regime.” (pg159)  It then goes on to “guarantee” that there will be an end to foodbanks in Scotland, which, while obviously desirable, is a goal that even the much lauded Scandinavian countries are struggling to prevent the growth of. 

RIC then claim that a Yes vote “guarantees” and end to ATOS and the Work Capability Assessment of the benefit assessment process.  With ATOS, they are already giving up the welfare assessment contracts due to campaigns across the whole of the UK.  The White Paper doesn’t call for an end to Work Capability Assessments and in fact will continue most of the system for some unspecified time. (pg 164)

There will also be, allegedly, 30,000 new civil service jobs, but this seemingly is fabricated from other unnamed sources as the White Paper doesn’t put a figure on civil servants (pg 575) and, funnily enough, doesn’t mention the jobs that will inevitably go as a result of independence.

A Yes vote then “guarantees” that the minimum wage will be set at the living wage.  Except, of course, in the White Paper, the minimum wage will not be made equal to the living wage; the living wage will simply get “support and promote[d]” after a Yes vote. (pg 396)

The childcare one is a dead give-away though, as that’s just an SNP policy, who almost every “radical” Yes campaigner claims we aren’t voting for. Clearly, that only holds true until it’s convenient or sounds good to say we’ll have those policies after a Yes vote.

With regards to the rest of the “guarantees”, Labour have already adopted it as policy or go beyond what is here (ie, the Bedroom Tax will be scrapped across the UK, and not just in Scotland); has alternatives that are costed (will tax banker’s bonuses for a job creation scheme); will increase the minimum wage and encourage the Living Wage as well, and also increase child care. So to imply that Westminster is an unchangeable institution that doesn’t have the potential for bringing about transformation doesn’t stack up.

The contortions and stick-bending that the Yes Left are having to incorporate to try and justify a Yes vote being class-based or socialist is clearly at breaking point.  RIC are desperate to claim that a Yes vote will allow for radical change, but at the same time are simply providing a fig leaf to cover the fact that it is the SNP’s White Paper model of deregulated trickle-down economics that will be delivered with a Yes vote.

This has been apparent for some time.  Yes Scotland is supposedly a cross-party organisation, but a cursory glance at each of their positions on currency is revealing. The Greens would like a new currency. The SSP would also like a new currency. The SNP, however, would much prefer a currency union. And low and behold, what is the cross-party Yes Campaign’s position?  A currency union…. 

Salmond has already positioned himself as framing the referendum as vote for the SNP’s White Paper.  He is on record in Parliament as stating the following:  “I say to Ruth Davidson that, on September 18, if people in Scotland vote for what is in the white paper and the proposals to keep the pound, that is exactly what will happen and any Scottish politician who does not recognise the sovereign choice of the Scottish people will pay a heavy price.” 

This was underlined again in his second debate with Alasdair Darling of the Better Together Campaign last night.  Salmond repeatedly made reference to a Yes Vote reflecting the “sovereign will” of the people and a Yes vote providing a “mandate” for a currency union.  Again, this is the SNP/White Paper position he is stating.  The SNP have a majority government and will still have that influence and power if there is a Yes vote when they undertake negotiations with the UK government.  It is clear that they will be proposing the White Paper position throughout – a Yes vote has provided a “mandate” for this.

RIC and Yes Scotland

RIC and Yes Scotland

 

RIC are happy to pose with the SNP and the likes of Business for Scotland as an example of how apparently broad the Yes Campaign is.  However, no matter how small or inconspicuous they try and make the SNP’s sign in a group photo, it is clear they dominate the Yes campaign’s policy and vision.

This is not to say that a No vote in itself is progressive or will provide answers but if, for socialists at least, the challenge is to bring about a fundamental and irreversible shift in the balance of wealth and power in favour of working people and their families, then we must be able to challenge the dominant forces of capital.  For Scotland, these forces are by and large organised and operate at a British level, and will continue to impact on us even after a Yes vote. 

What we need to argue for is not a breaking away from the UK, but increased democratic controls over the British economy.  The urgent need for economic democracy is the only “guarantee” that this referendum can provide.

Advertisements